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Europe needs a German engine

Jun 29th, 2011 | By Daniel Boomsma | Tags: , , , , , , ,

The cur­rent euro-zone crisis gives most EU mem­ber states little hope. There doesn’t seem to be much reason for optim­ism.  Europe can’t even for­mu­late a uni­fied policy to tackle the cur­rent prob­lems. At the same time the European cit­izens no longer seem to accept ‘’the con­tin­ued dis­unity of decision-makers in Brus­sels’’. When look­ing at the situ­ation in Spain and Greece (where ‘angry people’ are respect­ively called the indignados and the aganaktismenoi), one can only con­clude that things aren’t get­ting better.

Accord­ing to Gar­ton Ash the crisis in the euro­zone is not the only cause of Europe’s cur­rent prob­lems. There is much more. First, the Schen­gen Agree­ment (1985, marked the end of internal bor­der con­trols) became sub­ject of debate when France and Italy said that the treaty no longer worked ‘’just because a few thou­sand people from con­vulsed North Africa had taken refuge on the Italian island of Lampedusa’’. The Schen­gen debate made it pain­fully obvi­ous that Europe lacks unity and that no one seems to take respons­ib­il­ity to end the deadlock.

Gar­ton Ash also stated that Europe failed in anti­cip­at­ing on the new situ­ation in the Middle-East. The Arab spring and the devel­op­ments after­wards asked for decis­ive action. Now we are near an Arab fall, as the Amer­ic­ans called it. The mil­it­ary inter­ven­tion in Libya is still going on and there is no sign that it’s going to be over any time soon. US defence sec­ret­ary Robert Gates even accused Europe of ‘’com­pla­cency over inter­na­tional secur­ity’’. Although Gar­ton Ash calls the Arab spring one of the most ‘’hope­ful set of events in the 21st cen­tury so far’’, he again con­cludes that “[Europe’s] col­lect­ive and insti­tu­tional response to this his­toric open­ing has been feeble bey­ond belief’’.

In another example of the stalling of the European Union, Gar­ton Ash ana­lyses the speech of the Turk­ish Prime Min­is­ter Recep Erdogan. In this speech, held after the recent Turk­ish elec­tions, Erdogan didn’t men­tion the EU at all. The ‘’mag­netic attrac­tion of EU-membership’’ seems to have less and less effect on Tur­key. Even enlarge­ment, Europe’s suc­cess story until now, is stalling.

But what is the cause of all this? Is it a lack of lead­er­ship? Gar­ton Ash says a lack of lead­er­ship is not the whole, but surely half of the story. Lead­er­ship is poorer than two dec­ades ago when the great ‘’motiv­at­ors of the European pro­ject’’ like Helmut Kohl, François Mit­ter­rand and Jacques Delors did more than just the min­imum. In those days, West Ger­many played a sub­stan­tial role in European and for­eign policy. Ger­many wanted to rehab­il­it­ate itself and was on its way to uni­fic­a­tion (1989). France and other European mem­ber states were will­ing to help to achieve that goal. Europe doesn’t have a sim­ilar goal nowadays, although Gar­ton Ash men­tions the rise of giants such as China and, to a lesser extent, India, as chal­lenges ahead.

The key to solv­ing the prob­lems I men­tioned is Ger­many. ‘’We need an excep­tional polit­ical com­mit­ment’’, says Gar­ton Ash. This is when Angela Merkel enters the stage. Ger­many is an indis­pens­able power when it comes to fight­ing eco­nomic prob­lems with polit­ical means. Until now Merkel has done the min­imum and she knows that. Former for­eign min­is­ter Joschka Fisc­her on Merkel: ‘Ms Europe seems to have become Frau Ger­mania’’. Although Ger­many has prob­lems of its own, Merkel must real­ize that to tackle the euro-zone prob­lems, to end debates on the Schen­gen agree­ment and immig­ra­tion in gen­eral (though Spain, Italy and France should play a big­ger role in that dis­cus­sion), to meet the Arab Spring chal­lenges and to strengthen our rela­tion with the United States, Ger­many is needed more than ever.

Lit­er­at­ure:

Timothy Gar­ton Ash, In Europe’s Name: Germany and the Divided Continent, Ran­dom House, 1993

Timothy Gar­ton Ash, Free World: America, Europe, and the Surprising Future of the West, Ran­dom House, 2004

Timothy Gar­ton Ash, The Uses of Adversity: Essays on the Fate of Central Europe, Ran­dom House, 1989

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2 Comments to “Europe needs a German engine”

  1. David Grodzki says:

    Very nice art­icle. Indeed, I agree that Ger­many should play a much big­ger role in EU affairs, how­ever, recently the only devel­op­ment one could wit­ness was the back­lash of EU polit­ics on national polit­ics. Merkel’s decision after Fukushima to phase out nuc­lear power was selfish, irra­tional and all in all anti-European, inso­far in that she did not con­sult with Germany’s imme­di­ate neigh­bours. Not only will this lead to higher energy prices for most Europeans, not just Ger­mans, but it also threatens the energy secur­ity of the EU. (And yes, I think it took cour­age to make that decision, how­ever, I think it was taken for the wrong reas­ons – elect­oral fears instead of rational polit­ical thought of the future)
    Ger­man inde­cision dur­ing the Libyan revolu­tion has equally left the EU hov­er­ing between action and inac­tion. It is remark­able to see that France and the UK, even though they for many many years dis­agreed on vir­tu­ally every decision, have decided to act together to help the anti-Qaddafi forces.

    Also, with regards to Schen­gen, Ger­many should have stepped in and told Italy and France off – because Schen­gen is one of the greatest achieve­ments we Europeans can enjoy today and a few thou­sand des­per­ate Afric­ans should not be blamed for bring­ing down this agree­ment. Obvi­ously the reas­ons are oth­ers – try­ing to tell people that a coun­try like Italy, count­ing almost 60m people, is unable to cope with an influx of 20.000 people, is simply ridicu­lous. Yes, it’s not fair that the lit­toral coun­tries of the Medi­ter­ranean have to cope with refugees from Africa whereas the north­ern MS simply decline to help – this is another issue that clearly shows that the EU lacks a spirit of solid­ar­ity and com­mon responsibility.

    Talk­ing about Greece – the longer the prob­lem drags on, the more I am becom­ing con­vinced that there is little all MS can do to help Hel­las. This is for one simple reason: The coun­try is simply not going to be able to repay its debt unless you pro­long the time frame and cut its debts by maybe up to 70%. Germany’s chan­cel­lor could, if she wanted to really lead Europe, make this clear and advoc­ate a struc­tured default for Greece which would save all other Euro­zone mem­bers a lot of money that could instead be used to help bring about invest­ments and infra­struc­tural mod­ern­isa­tion instead of try­ing to pay off Greece’s interest rates.

    One last comment…sometimes I really wish we could have the found­ing fath­ers of the European Com­munit­ies back…people like Schu­mann, Ade­nauer, but also Delors or Kohl would do us good nowadays..

  2. Benjamin says:

    I do agree with the con­lu­sion that a cred­ible and strong lead­er­ship on the European level is more than neces­sary. But as well as I agree to this fact I don’t get the point why this lead­er­ship only should (or in the con­text of your art­icle ‘could’) be eqi­valent to a strong national lead­er­ship. The choice of Angela Merkel can easyly sub­sumed with the strength and power of Ger­manys eco­nomy in the European single mar­ket. But this would insist par­tial blind­ness for eco­nomic pro­cesses on European level.
    As we have seen in the past, the Maastricht-criteria (which were indis­put­able the core-criteria for join­ing the single mar­ket and the com­mon cur­rency) were broken not only by coun­tries with low effi­cient eco­nom­ies. Espe­cially the Ger­man and French gouvern­ments under­mined the cri­teria by avoid­ing pro­ceed­ings against con­tract viol­a­tions.
    Are those gov­ern­ments still able to make cred­ible com­mit­ments in an intergouvern­mental con­text con­cern­ing the crisis of Greek and other MS? I don’t think so. We should pay atten­tion on the reas­ons of Ger­man eco­nomic growth (even dur­ing a time of reces­sion in other MS!). Ger­man eco­nomy is based on exports (as can be seen in Ger­manys excess­ive export sur­plus) and lack­ing in Ger­manys domestic mar­ket.
    The res­ults of the Ger­man export sur­plus leads other (even­tu­ally smal­ler ) MS to an extreme import sur­plus. To put it in a nut­shell: The Ger­man eco­nomy policy has an (poten­tially neg­at­ive) effect on other MS eco­nom­ies which should not be under­es­tim­ated. A solu­tion can surely not be found on the inter­gov­ern­mental level as the Ger­man Chan­cel­lor is ( for under­stand­able reas­ons) not will­ing to cut Ger­manys growth for the European single mar­kets heal­ing.
    As the Maastricht-criteria (in some kind of integration-delusion) and the ‘no-bailout’-clause ( to open a big­ger amount of solu­tion pos­sib­il­it­ies dur­ing the fin­an­cial crisis in a grow­ing amount of MS) have been watered-down by few national gov­ern­ments there would be ( again) no cred­ible inter­gov­ern­mental lead­er­ship of one or few MS. The solu­tion can only be found on supra­na­tional level. National pos­i­tions only can be united through the inter­ven­tion of the European Com­mis­sion as European tech­no­cratic ele­ment and the European Par­lia­ment to avoid an enlarge­ment of demo­cracy defi­cits in the pro­cess of European single mar­kets consolidation.

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